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The Khaksar Tehrik Author: Nasim Yousaf Allama Mashriqi’s political thoughts were shaped at home, but he earnestly started thinking about politics while he was a student in England. Mashriqi came to the rescue of the Indians, when other political leadership had failed to deliver and the Indians were almost finished politically, economically, and socially. The only Indians (including Muslims, Hindus, and others) who were influential and strong, were those who were bestowed with large jagirs, important positions, and fancy and prestigious titles, such as Sir. Obviously, those who were honored were required to serve the British interest. And, the British used this privileged class for their own objectives. This rich and privileged class of Indians was ignorant of the sufferings of the common man. Mashriqi realized that the nation needed awakening and its character re-built. He wanted a nation that had sound character and was well disciplined and mentally and physically fit. He wanted a nation with a sense of community service, tolerance, respect, and mutual love for each other, regardless of religion, color, caste, or creed. He understood that Muslims must have these traits in order to revive the lost glory that they once enjoyed. Mashriqi was the first intellectual Muslim leader, visionary, philosopher and thinker to understand the importance of a soldierly life and community service. Thus, to remedy sufferings of the poor Indians and achieve his goals, the Khaksar Tehrik was born in 1930. Mashriqi took great pains in delivering his message for the Khaksar Movement. He became a commoner and left the luxuries of life behind. There was nothing on his mind but to revolutionize the lives of the masses. He passed his message through his invigorating and motivational speeches, writings, pamphlets, and personal contact with the common men. By the late 1930’s, the Khaksar Tehrik had four million Khaksars and millions of supporters and sympathizers. It had over 3500 centers (Khaksar circle estimates that the numbers of followers and centers were even more) across India and branches in many other countries. In the late 1930’s, it had such strong roots in the masses that no other Muslim party was even comparable. Mashriqi was indeed a great organizer of the 20th century. The explosive growth of his movement in a short span of time in a huge country like India is proof of his exceptional abilities and the strength of his message that led people to follow him. The Khaksars were trained to be disciplined, sacrificing, simple, honest, above sectarianism, and helpers in the community. The movement was raised to uplift the masses and welcomed anyone, and this is why non-Muslims also became part of the Khaksar Movement. In the Khaksar Tehrik, the rich and the poor all stood in the same line regardless of their status. Mashriqi, though an extremely powerful leader, made no distinction between himself and any Khaksar. In a formation, he was made to stand like any other Khaksar, in whatever position the leader of the contingent assigned. He was as much accountable as anyone else. Once, he was even punished by the Salar when he marched out of step in a formation while parading. To me, it is this equality and sincerity of uplifting the masses that created dedicated followers for Mashriqi. Its explosive expansion with millions of dedicated members and supporters in the entire India became a massive threat to British rule. The British feared none except the Khaksars and declared it the most dangerous party in India. They completely understood the objective of the movement, and they knew that such dedicated and disciplined volunteers from all across India could be directed by Mashriqi toward any goal, including the removal of the British from power. Opponent political parties of the Khaksars, including the Muslim League and the Congress Party also felt threatened. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, Premier of the Punjab, felt his political career at risk. To prove his loyalty to the British and to hold on to power in the Punjab, he took action against the Khaksars. A ban was imposed on Khaksar activities (with the support of the British). However, Khaksars refused to accept the ban. They started assembling in Lahore to protest against the restrictions. Opposing the ban, they marched in the streets of Lahore on March 19, 1940. Police opened indiscriminate fire on the innocent Khaksars to get them to stop the demonstration, and a bloody massacre of the Khaksars took place in Lahore. A large number of innocent Khaksars were killed. Mashriqi was arrested and a campaign to arrest the Khaksars was launched. The Khaksar Tehrik headquarters in Lahore, adjacent to Mashriqi’s house, were raided. Mashriqi’s son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, was protesting the police raid when he was hit and injured by one of the tear gas grenades (he later died of injuries). It seems that the police intentionally hit him with the grenade in retaliation for his protests. After these actions, censorship on the media was imposed and the Khaksars were not to be addressed as martyrs. This slaughter was the bloodiest ruthless killing after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre at Amritsar by General Dyer in April 13, 1919. After this tragic incident, the Khaksars came out on the streets, and demonstrations continued on a daily basis for the release of Mashriqi and the Khaksars in jail and for the removal of the ban on the movement. It is also important to note that the merciless and ferocious killing of the Khaksars happened only a few days prior to the historic session of the Muslim League. It is more important to note that the ban on the assembly of people (Section 144) was suspiciously removed right before the Muslim League session, and thus the League was allowed to hold its historic session on March 22-24, 1940. This raised eyebrows of the people and it was sensed that there was a conspiracy against Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Movement. The indicators and the Khaksar circle’s view that point toward the conspiracy need a separate discussion altogether. On March 22, 1940, the Muslim League Session commenced at Minto Park in Lahore. It adopted Lahore Resolution (Pakistan Resolution) on March 24 and in the same session the Khaksar resolution was unanimously passed. It is consequential to understand that the Muslim League, prior to massacre of March 19, 1940, had no roots in the masses and that they lost miserably the elections in 1937. The Muslim League’s popularity can be gauged from the results of these elections. (In the Khaksars’ and nationalists’ view, the Muslim League’s loss in the 1937 elections prompted the League to demand division of India and therefore hold this session. According to the nationalists, the intention of the Leaguers was not to uplift the masses; rather their aim was to create a separate land and hold full power in their own hands. The indicators then and now prove this theory.) The people present at the Muslim League Session (March 22-24, 1940) were emotionally charged and grieved because of the Khaksar tragedy. Many a time during the three day session, it was even difficult to control the situation. People were demanding that Sir Sikandar be ousted from the Muslim League, that Mashriqi and the Khaksars be released, and that the ban on the Tehrik be removed. Quaid-e-Azam and others had to speak to the public to solace their feelings. The public looked to Quaid-e-Azam to help them in the time of mourning. Despite the censorship on the public media, newspapers could not avoid writing that the public present was agitated and was raising slogans against Sir Sikandar and in support of the Khaksars. The public was demanding from Jinnah to resolve the Khaksar issue. There is no denying the fact that the public was fully sympathetic to the Khaksars and showed immense support for them. When many Muslims at the session wanted to make speeches in support of the Khaksars, they were prevented from doing so. The large presence, uproar, and enthusiasm at the Muslim League Session (March 22-24, 1940) was a result of the massacre of the Khaksars on March 19, 1940. Anyone can understand the feelings that prevailed among the Muslims for the Khaksar tragedy. The pro-Muslim League historians have ignored support for the Khaksars during the session and have given full credit of this large presence to the League’s popularity. But the facts have been twisted and events are witness to the reality that the large presence at the Muslim League session was due to the Khaksar killings, and the League flourished after the Khaksar massacre of March 19, 1940, the ban on the Khaksar Movement, and Mashriqi’s arrest. The truth is that, at the time, the Muslim League was a completely disorganized party. Quaid-e-Azam had many a time admitted that the party needed to be organized. Thus, the massacre of the Khaksars and atrocities against Mashriqi, Khaksars, and their families helped unite the Muslims under the Muslim League. Within seven years of this massacre, the Muslims of the Indian sub-continent had an independent homeland.
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When the Khaksar resolution was adopted on March 24, Sir Sikandar had observed the public’s sympathy with the Khaksars and condemnation against him. Despite this, Sir Sikandar (Muslim Leaguer) continued his actions against the Khaksar Movement. Mashriqi’s bank account was seized, his family was brought to the point of starvation, and the chase and arrests of the Khaksars continued. Thousands of Khaksars including Mashriqi and his sons were thrown in jails. Even the supporters and sympathizers of the movement were imprisoned. All were subjected to beatings and other forms of torture and brutalities. Mashriqi himself was a victim of tormenting treatment despite the fact that he was a political prisoner not a criminal prisoner. Mashriqi’s sons were also kept in miserable conditions and were mishandled. Mashriqi and the Khaksars were asked to disband the movement or face consequences. But nothing could stop them from maintaining their unwavering stance. They refused to surrender and remained determined, and the movement prevailed. The Government of India failed miserably in their designs to wipe out the Khaksar Movement. This was a clear message to the rulers that their days of power in India were numbered.Mashriqi, though in jail, enjoyed tremendous faith of his followers and supporters. His followers refused to take any mandate or direction from anyone else except Mashriqi. He was very close to his people; he lived in their hearts. His followers had blind faith in him. In fact the atrocities against Mashriqi and the Khaksars brought the nation together and led them to believe in themselves and that nothing short of independence would be acceptable to them. In the absence of Mashriqi and with the ban on the Khaksar Movement, there was no choice left for the Muslims but to gather under the flag of the Muslim League. No other movements in the history of the India parallel the resistance put up by the Khaksars after March 19. Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to suffer. Mashriqi had to fast for 80 days to obtain his and the release of the Khaksars from jail. He was at the brink of death when released. Under tremendous pressure and public outcry, Mashriqi was liberated from Vellore Jail on January 19, 1942, but his movements were restricted to the Madras Presidency. Mashriqi continued his struggle for freedom despite the odds against him. His followers carried Mashriqi’s directive forward to every soul they came across. They passed the message to remain steadfast and to believe that nothing short of a free India would be acceptable. Upon arrival of Sir Stafford Cripps on March 23, 1942 in India, Mashriqi sent him a telegram and demanded complete independence of the entire India. Mashriqi also sent a message to leaders, including Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, and offered them of his complete support in this regard. It is a tragedy that the Muslim League did not avail, on purpose, Mashriqi’s offer of cooperation at various points during the struggle for Pakistan. They were in fact intimidated by his strength and did not want him to play a role in politics. They openly denounced Mashriqi’s involvement in politics. The British and the Congress were against collaboration between Khaksars and the Muslim League. The Muslim League disregarded public protests and even Mashriqi’s offer of cooperation. As a result, the opponents of the Muslims took advantage and a divided Punjab and Bengal and many other areas that should have been part of Pakistan were given to Hindus. If the Muslim League had supported the Khaksars, the map of Pakistan would have been different.
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Although the Khaksar role has been given a sense of negativity by anti-Khaksar elements and in many cases has been wiped out from the freedom movement of Pakistan, history is witness to the fact that the Khaksar resistance was the longest and boldest fight for independence in the sub-continent. As mentioned earlier, the Muslim League fully capitalized on Khaksar resistance and strengthened its own position, rather than working with the Khaksars. Unfortunately the role of the Khaksars in the creation of Pakistan is denied for vested interests.The fact of the matter is Khaksars worked for freedom and guided the nation towards it. Mashriqi wanted the entire India to be Pakistan, whereas Muslim Leaguers wanted to divide India as per the Pakistan Resolution. However, Mashriqi’s effort towards the creation of Pakistan have been denied by saying that he was anti-Pakistan. Mashriqi was not anti-Pakistan at all. In fact, he had envisioned the entire India to be Pakistan. The Muslims had ruled India for a long time; it was not easy to abandon this and let the Hindus rule a major part of the land and the Muslims living there. He firmly believed that India should be returned to the Muslims because it belonged to the Muslims. He further believed that Muslims and Hindus could continue to live together as they had been living. Mashriqi being a visionary was aware that there were far more negatives than this in the partition plan. These negatives are more visible today. The Muslim League’s struggle was based around the Pakistan Resolution, where as Mashriqi’s struggle worked toward the liberation of the entire India. The British preferred to divide India rather than to hand it back to the Muslims. Thus this was one of the reasons that the rulers gave preference to and conducted all negotiations with the Muslim League, rather than the Khaksar Tehrik. It is absolutely wrong to assume that Pakistan was gained through a constitutional fight and that the Muslim League is the sole creator of Pakistan. No freedom can be achieved without resistance and sacrifice of human life. In the process, leaders and supporters of the movement, in almost all cases have to face the atrocities of jail and render many other personal sacrifices. In case of Pakistan’s freedom, Mashriqi and the Khaksars had to suffer a great deal, and they paid the real price. Many Khaksars were killed and Mashriqi and the Khaksars rotted in jails. None of the Muslim League leadership made any such sacrifices or put forth any resistance. None of the Muslim League leaders were even jailed. So who paid the price? It was without a doubt, Mashriqi and the Khaksars. The British, though they avoided the Khaksar Tehrik for negotiations, did understand the significance of the Khaksar Movement and its strength. Khaksars’ contributions have been denied by pro Muslim Leaguers and the entire credit for the creation of Pakistan has been given to Muslim League, however the facts of history speak for themselves and cannot be changed or denied no matter what pro-Muslim League historians may say. Liberation can never be won through constitutional fights alone; look at Kashmir and Palestine where so many people are killed and jailed every day.
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After the creation of Pakistan, the Muslims of India came under complete Hindu Raj, In Pakistan "gora sahib" was replaced by "brown sahib". The fight for power started in the newly acquired country. Muslim League leadership failed miserably to put the country in the right direction and priorities were never determined. From 1947 to date, the elite have dominated the country’s economic, political, and social sectors. Pakistan has been always been ruled by the feudal lords, bureaucrats (civil and military), and the industrial clans. Furthermore, with the creation of Bangladesh, the two-nation theory failed. Hence, the purpose of obtaining Pakistan has never been fulfilled. Masses continue to suffer on many fronts. Even basic rights, such as freedom of speech and a pure justice system, are not available and accountability of the exploiter is superficial. A vast population lives below the poverty line, and Pakistan is regarded as one of the most corrupt nations in the world. The elite continue to exploit the poor. Although Pakistan had technically become autonomous in 1947, the British colonial ruling system continues to prevail. And the common man has drawn very little gain from the creation of Pakistan.In the Khaksar circle, the Muslim Leaguers’ intentions in the creation of Pakistan have always been questioned. This is true because of the facts and the conditions that have prevailed since Pakistan’s creation. Providing education to the nation should have been the top priority for the Muslim League, but despite Mashriqi’s emphasis, nothing concrete was ever done in this direction. Muslim Leaguers didn’t want to share power with the common man. Otherwise, the education sector would not have been ignored and the masses could have been uplifted. This is one of the major reasons why the purpose of obtaining Pakistan—for the uplift of the masses—has never proven true. So the question arises, was Pakistan acquired for the privileged classes of India (the leadership of the Muslim League), rather than for the masses? Mashriqi and the Khaksars had doubted the intentions of the Muslim Leaguers and that is why when Mashriqi was approached to join the Muslim League Central Working Committee (prior to partition), he asked for the condition that the Muslim League must share power with the non-elite. After the creation of Pakistan, whenever Mashriqi raised his voice and asked the leadership to stop exploitation of the people, he was harassed and crushed, and many a time imprisoned on fabricated and concocted bases. He continued to suffer at the hands of various governments until he died.
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Unfortunately, the history of Pakistan is incomplete and distorted. If people are kept ignorant of Mashriqi’s and the Khaksars’ struggle, sufferings, and services, then the history of Pakistan is inadequate. Mashriqi’s role has been twisted, misrepresented, and in many cases misquoted. The crux of the movement has been completely ignored. There are various reasons to keep the role of Mashriqi unknown or to deny him credit for his services toward independence. One reason is so that full credit for independence can be retained by the pro-Muslim Leaguers. For the pro-Muslim Leaguers, naming Mashriqi as a great freedom fighter means taking away their credit or at least having to share credit with Khaksar Tehrik in the creation of Pakistan. Another reason is that because Mashriqi led a simple life, acknowledging this would mean that all those who cherished high profile lifestyles then and now, at the expense of a poor nation, would have to forgo their affluent lifestyles.Therefore, the easiest way for Mashriqi’s opponents was to conceal Mashriqi, distort his image, deny his role in the creation of Pakistan and continue exploitation of the masses for their personal gains. Anyone who raised a voice against misrepresentation of Pakistan history and distortion of the Khaksars’ role was given threats of dire consequences. Only Muslim League’s point of view was to be projected. If this is not true, then why wasn’t Khaksar material collected from Pakistan, U.K., and India and made available for public use. Why wasn’t there a research academy formed for collecting Khaksar material? This in itself is proof that many realities of Pakistan history are kept hidden on purpose. This work is witness to the fact that Mashriqi and the Khaksars were a part of the struggle and it is beyond one’s comprehension, how a nation can be kept so ill informed of this reality.
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After the creation of Pakistan, Mashriqi still tried to undo injustices by mobilizing his followers in India and also worked hard for the liberation of Kashmir and to uplift the poor masses in Pakistan. Until his death, Mashriqi continued to guide his nation towards an economic, political, and social resurgence of Pakistan and the freedom of Kashmir. Mashriqi’s love for the nation is also evident from the fact that he donated some of his land to the people who cultivated it prior to partition. Throughout his life, Mashriqi used his own money to meet expenses related to his political activities, and Khaksars were never asked for any membership fees. After his death, a trust of his property was left for the public, as per his will.Allama Mashriqi passed away on August 27, 1963. He must have done something for his nation that well over 100, 000 people came to Lahore to attend his funeral. These web sites have been dedicated to Mashriqi:
http://www.allamamashriqi.info May God bless Pakistan and its People Source: Pakistan's Freedom & Allama Mashriqi: Statements, Letters, Chronology of Khaksar Tehrik (Movement), Period: Mashriqi's Birth to 1947 Copyright © 2004 Nasim Yousaf |